By Ronald Grigor Suny, Fatma Müge Göçek, Norman M. Naimark
100 years after the deportations and mass homicide of Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians, and different peoples within the ultimate years of the Ottoman Empire, the background of the Armenian genocide is a sufferer of ancient distortion, state-sponsored falsification, and deep divisions among Armenians and Turks. operating jointly for the 1st time, Turkish, Armenian, and different students current the following a compelling reconstruction of what occurred and why.
This quantity gathers the main updated scholarship on Armenian genocide, taking a look at how the development has been written approximately in Western and Turkish historiographies; what was once taking place at the eve of the disaster; pictures of the perpetrators; special debts of the massacres; how the development has been perceived in either neighborhood and overseas contexts, together with international struggle I; and reflections at the broader implications of what occurred then. the result's a complete paintings that strikes past nationalist grasp narratives and provides a extra entire knowing of this tragic occasion
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Additional resources for A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire
Massacres were reported from all parts of Eastern Anatolia, particularly after the formation in the early 1890s of the ofﬁcially sanctioned Kurdish paramilitary units known as the Hamidiye. Against this background of growing Kurdish aggressiveness, Western and Russian indifference, and the collapse of the Tanzimat reform movement, a small number of Armenians turned to a revolutionary strategy. As part of the “provocation thesis,” William L. Langer, Stanford Shaw, Ezel Kural Shaw, and others argued that the Armenian revolutionaries were willing to sacriﬁce their compatriots in order to create a separate, independent Armenian state in eastern Anatolia.
The irony of Dink’s death is that he was killed in the name of a particularly narrow notion of patriotism while he was himself a fervent Turkish patriot. His vision of his native country, however, was of a modern democratic, tolerant state, the eastern edge of Europe, in which his own people, the Armenians, could live together with Turks, Kurds, Jews, Greeks, and the other peoples who had coexisted, however uneasily, in the cosmopolitan empire out of which the Turkish Republic had emerged. What he could not tolerate was the denial of the shared history of those peoples, a history that involved not only the mass killing of Armenians but the ongoing repression of Kurds.
Arguing that a theocracy by deﬁnition and fact cannot be secularized appears to be contradicted by the long European transition from medieval to modern times. Polities infused with and sanctioned by religion managed over time to become more secular not only in Europe but to some degree in Turkey in the nineteenth and (even more so) twentieth centuries. Religious orthodoxy, certainly a powerful inhibitor to effective reform, proved to be a surmountable barrier, as reforming Ottoman bureaucrats, Young Ottomans, Young Turks, and Kemalists sought to demonstrate.