By Dr Alan Allport
American army coverage is hotly debated.
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Extra info for American Military Policy (Point Counterpoint)
Do you think nuclear war is more or less likely than it was during the Cold War period? Less than a decade later, however, in February 2002, the clock had returned to the disturbing position of seven minutes to midnight—exactly where it had begun 55 years before. What had caused such a turnaround? The Cold War was, after all, over. S. S. abandonment of the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty . . S. arsenal. Otherwise, though, it was pessimistic about the prospects of maintaining peace in a world where thousands of ICBMs remain on hair-trigger alert, ready to be fired at a moment’s notice.
No matter how large the enemy’s army or navy, there was always the temptation to launch an attack that might succeed by luck or skill. When two powers face off with massive arsenals of nuclear missiles, however, it is impossible for either of them to win. Atomic weapons are so devastating that the only conceivable outcome of such a war is the ruin of both sides. That is why, paradoxically, it is safer for the United States and Russia to keep larger rather than smaller nuclear stockpiles. S. nuclear stockpile has actually shrunk over the years since around 1970, after an enormous increase during the decades immediately after the end of World War II.
There is nothing wrong with “leadership” per se. The United States can and should play a leading role in a number of arenas. . Today’s proponents of “global leadership,” however, are advocating something better described as hegemony than as leadership. Unlike moral or economic leadership, global leadership does not envision the United States’ leading by example or through diplomacy. Global leadership is essentially coercive, relying on “diplomacy” backed by threats or military action. . S. global leadership do not justify its immense costs, and it is unlikely that the United States is even capable of pursuing such a strategy over the long term.