By Joan C. Beal
Thomas Spence's Grand Repository differs from the various English announcing dictionaries produced within the overdue eighteenth century first of all in that it used to be meant essentially for the decrease periods, and secondly in that it used a really 'phonetic' script within the feel of 1 sound = one image. during this exact account, Joan Beal can pay realization to the particular pronunciations so that it will reconstructing what was once felt to be 'correct' pronunciation in eighteenth-century Britain.
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Additional info for English pronunciation in the eighteenth century : Thomas Spence's Grand repository of the English language
From voiced / / . . he missed to indicate consonantal allophones like clear or dark l6 as well as the various articulations of r' (1976: 33). Given, as we shall see in Chapter 4, that Spence's script was essentially phonemic, to criticize him for failing to make such allophonic distinctions, which would not be necessary in an alphabet intended for reformed spelling, seems rather unfair. Neither Sheridan, nor Walker, nor any other eighteenth-century orthoepist that I know of, made such distinctions in their transcriptions, unless we count, for example, Mather Flint's use of r for weakened preconsonantal /r/.
In the case of Hart, Chomsky and Halle construct rules which account for the shift of ME Åõ and uÅ to [eÅy] and [oÅw] 3 `Ye shall take the usual speech of the Court, and that of London and the shires lying about London within lx miles and not much above' (Puttenham 1598, quoted in Dobson 1955: 28). 3d ^ 17/2/99 ^ 13:17 ^ disk/mp Evidence for Eighteenth-Century Pronunciation 39 (Chomsky and Halle's notation), but note that Dobson (1957) denies that such re¯exes ever existed: It is important to note that Dobson's conclusions concerning the pronunciation of these sounds in the sixteenth century are not based on evidence from the sources, but are rather inferences drawn on the assumption that sound change is a gradual process.
Jones's commentary, like Jones (1989), is couched in the terms of dependency phonology and likewise provides an interesting combination of close historical observation and phonological theory. In many areas, not least that of the `labial vowels', Jones (1991) has provided comparative information which will play a key part in our discussions in Chapter 5. 5. c o n c l u s i o n The publication of Jones's monograph, along with other very recent works such as Mugglestone (1995) and Jones (1995), perhaps signals the fact that the `Cinderella' status of eighteenth-century historical linguistic studies will soon be a thing of the past.