By Judith Noemi Freidenberg
What's way of life like for an aged individual whose source of revenue slightly covers simple wishes? How is lifestyles restricted if that individual resides in the similar marginal enclave to which she first migrated a long time in the past? How does the implementation of nationwide regulations and courses impact the lifestyle of these aging in Spanish Harlem? In growing older in El Barrio, Judith Freidenberg addresses those questions by way of interpreting the life-course and day-by-day stories of the aged citizens of El Barrio. She interweaves the economic system of immigrant neighborhoods with the non-public studies of Latinos getting older in Harlem--such as Do-a Emiliana, who lived in Spanish Harlem from her migration in 1948 to her dying in 1995. Freidenberg additional hyperlinks coverage concerns to social matters serious to the day-by-day lives of this inhabitants. Combining huge fieldwork interviews with historic and demographic inhabitants information, growing old in El Barrio paints an ethnographic photo of getting older in Spanish Harlem and illustrates the emergence of latest York as a urban divided via ethnicity and sophistication.
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Additional info for Growing Old in El Barrio
How Does Emiliana’s Premigratory Experience Compare to That of the Study Population? Emiliana’s story exempliﬁes the interrelatedness of age, gender, household composition, occupation, and education in premigratory career paths. When compared to those of the other informants, Emiliana’s story clearly indicates that, beyond the similarities resulting from growing up in the same society, occupation and education are conditioned by a person’s age, gender, and position in the family. By tracing these variables, I was able to ﬁnd common trends: for example, the concentration of fe males in household occupations and/or sewing, and of males in agricul ture or other unskilled occupations.
Mainland, most of them coming directly to El Barrio, and a few through stepmigration, by sojourning either in the United States or Puerto Rico. For example, Susana, who was born in a small town called Toa Baja, was raised in the much larger town of Bayamón and then moved at age ﬁf teen to Cataño, where she remained until age thirty four. In the course of the next two years, she moved back and forth between Puerto Rico and El Barrio, where she remained for the rest of her life. With the exception of one male and one female who lived alone, the pattern of living within a large household—with blood relatives or peo ple who were “like family”—continued.
The migration of Puerto Ri cans is similar to the displacement of southern African-Americans to the Northeast in that their entry is unencumbered by immigration legisla tion. 1 The history of the United States’ presence in Puerto Rico provides a context for understanding the inﬂuence of these larger processes on daily life. Focusing on the household level of decision-making helps us un derstand the extent to which this presence colored prospective migrants’ lives and unveils factors that accounted for their displacement.